The economic crisis has taken its toll on place-based
programs as well. For instance, the Philippine Industrial Estates
Association reports that although the government approved the
development of several more industrial estates in 1998, few companies
were in any financial position actually to act on their new licenses.
Instead of expanding, developers and manufacturers reduced their labor
forces, postponed projects, or closed down altogether. Subic Bay
Freeport Zone in the Philippines reported an economic nosedive in 1997
and 1998. Subic�s Vice President Sean Chen recently reported that of
thirty-three Taiwanese firms that leased land to build factories in
Subic Industrial Park, only eighteen have arrived and begun building.6
In the same vein, only four of the twenty Japanese firms planning to
build in Subic Technopark have done so. Philippine government agencies
report an across-the-board budget cut by 20 percent in 1998, resulting
in a decrease in labor force and other resources for regulatory
monitoring and enforcement.
Despite the hurdles, however, one approach to
developing, managing, and innovating for sustainability�particularly in
a time of economic crisis�is to implement place-based public policy at
the macro level. Officials throughout the region believe the value of
planning is paramount and note the inconveniences and dangers caused by
unplanned urban and industrial sprawl. To effect any sea change in how
industry approaches its relation to the environment and community, they
understand that public policy must provide coherent leadership and
planning at the national level. Public policymakers, therefore, use a
variety of policy tools to effect changes in industrial location, sector
development, technology, and processes used. The policy toolbox includes
traditional command-and-control regulations, as well as a variety of
market-based incentives.7 The following pages describe
several regulations and market-based incentives, particularly in the
discussion of industrial estates, whose structure and approach is the
most formal and developed of the four place-based examples.
Laguna de Bay, also known as Laguna Lake, is the second
largest freshwater lake in Southeast Asia and is located on the
Philippine island of Luzon. Laguna de Bay comprises the traditional
fishing grounds of the local population; provides a source of water for
agricultural, commercial, and domestic use; and, until recently, has
served as a waste disposal site for all these activities. Industrial
development in the watershed boomed in the last twenty years, producing
approximately 30 percent of the country�s total manufacturing output,
providing about 7 percent of the country�s gross national product
growth, and contributing 30 percent of the pollution in Laguna de Bay.7
Eventually, the lake and its tributaries were overwhelmed by industrial,
commercial, and domestic use, resulting in massive fish kills and
polluted water. The abuse has required drastic cleanup efforts and
policy interventions.
The Laguna Lake Development Authority (LLDA) was created
by a Republic Act in 1966 as a quasi-governmental agency, purely
involved in development activities within the lake basin. Its role was
amended by executive order, adding environmental protection and
expanding its jurisdiction over the waters of the lake basin in 1975.
LLDA�s mandate is the environmental regeneration and sustainable
development and use of the waters, fisheries, and shorelands (wetlands)
under its purview. LLDA�s jurisdiction includes twenty-one river
tributaries of Laguna de Bay, five provinces (referred to as CALABARZON),
sixty-six municipalities, and nine cities (including the capital of
Manila). Within this area, LLDA has identified fifteen industrial
estates with approximately 3,200 facilities, as well as about 10,000
stand-alone manufacturing facilities.
Although the Philippine Department of Environment and
Natural Resources supervises LLDA, it remains an independent body
through a special charter. The government owns 94 percent of it and
private investors own the rest. LLDA receives no funds from the national
budget. As such, it retains, invests, and uses collected fees without
turning them over to the national treasury. LLDA maintains an
environmental fund to help administer the system. Fee revenues are
placed here to (a) subsidize owners� clean technology investments
through grants or loans, (b) recover the costs of administering
the system (data management, monitoring, and so on), and (c)
obtain loans in the capital market to build domestic wastewater
treatment plants. In 1998 alone, LLDA collected 6.7 million pesos
($174,000) through its Environmental User Fee Program.8
LLDA is the only development authority in the
Philippines with regulatory powers over industrial estates. The Public
Hearing Committee handles adjudication of environmental issues within
LLDA, whereas the Pollution Adjudication Board handles the process
outside of LLDA. The authority�s institutional goal is to transform
itself "from a predominantly regulatory to a market- and client-driven
developmental agency" through an environmental user fee program and a
river rehabilitation program that partners LLDA with local governments,
private organizations, and NGOs. LLDA would ultimately like to see
corporations in the habit of "self-regulation," with only periodic
monitoring by LLDA officials and the eventual devolution of primary
environmental authority to local governments. Although a 1994 law
mandated that all cities and municipalities must have an environment
officer, the lack of qualified professionals and finances to hire them
has prevented full implementation of this law. (Local government units
do implement some of the solid waste programs.) As such, LLDA is
actively promoting the development of industrial estates as
manufacturing models, because they are so much easier to monitor and
regulate.
Along with Malaysia, Egypt, and Jamaica, LLDA is
one of a handful of bodies outside the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development to implement an "environmental user fee" or
pollution fee system. This system has demonstrated its success in giving
an incentive to corporations to construct and use wastewater treatment
plants at a lower cost than dumping waste into Laguna de Bay.
These user fees build onto traditional
"command-and-control" regulations by providing more flexibility about
how and when a user or industrial facility cleans up. Two concurrent
fees are assessed at the plant level on pollution discharges based on
both volume and toxicity, providing incentives both for water
conservation as well as pollution abatement.9 The fees are
raised or lowered as the volume and/or toxicity of the discharge is
likewise raised or lowered. Policy analysts find the pollution fees an
effective tool, because, unlike other market-based incentives such as
taxes, refunds, and tradable permits, these fees directly relate to and
consequently affect plant discharges at a micro level. "The fee can be
designed to apply to as few or as many air and water parameters as
policymakers choose, with the goal of easing in the system over time."10
LLDA has set the fees quite high, so that it costs more to pay the
fine than it would be to prevent the pollution in the first place. The
fees apply not just to industrial, but also fishing, commercial,
agricultural, and domestic liquid wastes. Officials in LLDA have shown
great flexibility on how plant managers pay the fines. "The plant owner
has the option of paying the fee to the government or paying himself by
investing in environmental improvements to reduce the discharge."11
To date, LLDA has issued discharge permits to 386
facilities. Either the rest of the factories have not been visited by
LLDA or their water quality has been below compliance levels; LLDA is
holding those permits in abeyance until the facilities come into
compliance. LLDA eventually hopes to monitor each facility at least once
each quarter and plans to hire more than twenty engineers to bring the
full complement of staff to thirty-five. When LLDA officials find
flagrant violations of its environmental user fee process, they issue
cease and desist orders to the facility, although the local courts often
issue injunctions against the order at the behest of the manufacturers.
Today, Laguna de Bay is well on its way to environmental
recovery. Results in the first year alone have shown reductions in
biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) of 2 million kilograms; medium- and
large-sized firms�both domestically owned and multinational
corporations�have averaged 88 percent reductions. Licensed fish pens
have been placed strategically around the water�s edge, and several
hundred facilities are part of the monitored user fee system.
Despite the steady collection of fees from LLDA�s
program and the demands placed on companies by the economic crisis, LLDA
reports that investment within its jurisdiction actually increased in
1997�98, with Ford Philippines and other corporations establishing
production bases in the area. On the heels of this successful
implementation of the environmental user fee system, estate managers
themselves have approached LLDA to help promote industrial environmental
management and provide clear policy guidelines, because no specific
policies exist at the national level to guide the environmental
regulation of industrial estates in the Philippines. LLDA negotiated
with the fifteen industrial estates under its jurisdiction to write and
publish environmental policy guidelines in February 1999. The resulting
guidelines are designed to accomplish five goals:
- Recognize the unique role of industrial estates and parks as
LLDA�s partners in effectively implementing pollution control laws,
rules, and regulations. Industrial estates and parks have a unique
role in that they represent bounded areas administered by a single
industrial estate manager. They are, therefore, easier for LLDA to
monitor and regulate.
- Require all new industrial estates and parks to install a
centralized wastewater treatment plant for all of their locators to
use and require individual waste treatment installations for all
existing locators in parks without a centralized plant.
- Recognize and monitor internal effluent standards for every
locator within industrial parks.
- Assess environmental user fees on park management wherever central
treatment facilities exist and on individual locators in parks without
central treatment.
- Monitor and report protocols.
The guidelines themselves note that "Laguna de Bay
Region has been the center of industrialization and urbanization,
thereby prompting LLDA to become proactive in its efforts to protect and
manage the resources of the region toward sustainable development."13
LLDA plans to sign a memorandum of agreement with each estate and then
begin implementation in mid-1999.
LLDA reports that extensive public participation has
been the key to the success of all its programs and projects. Because
the Laguna Lake watershed transcends several political, social, and
economic boundaries, it is important to involve all stakeholders in the
watershed in creating a successful river rehabilitation plan; hence,
LLDA has adopted the following strategies:
- "Adopt a river system,"
in which local government units, NGOs,
and civic organizations in the area adopt a river by creating a plan
for its rehabilitation.
- Creation of river councils/foundations
that are composed of
government units, NGOs, and industries who add to the pollution of a
particular river. This program guarantees multisectoral involvement in
and support of cleanup efforts.
- An "Environmental Army"
composed of volunteers from the local
fishing and farming community. LLDA staff trains them in how to clean
the lake, as well as use its resources more responsibly. The
volunteers tackle the cleanup projects with brooms, shovels, and
safety equipment.